women; here and there

Equality. Civil rights. Egalitarianism. Balance. These are all words that have been passed around regarding the treatment of men and women, in western civilization. Arguably, there has been a profound transformation in the status of men and women in Canada. Although I believe there are numerous areas that are in need of improvement, I am thankful to have a great sense of freedom in my country. To develop a better perspective, I would like to change the focus to the land of Saudi Arabia.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is the largest country in the Middle East, composed of the two holy cities of Meccah and Medinah. It is in these specific cities that Islam was born at the end of the 16h century AD, developed under the Prophet Muhammad, and where the religion’s holy book, the Quar’an , was revealed and written.  The continuous debate within Saudi Arabia is based around the roles and sexuality of women.

In pre-modern Islamic society, women in Saudi Arabia lived in absolute subjugation and degradation. The emergence of Islam sought to defend the rights of women and decrease the marked differences between the genders. There is increasing concern with socio-economic development and the pressure to integrate women into the process of development change. The preservation of the traditional Saudi identity composes a natural and essential element in the evolution of the social entity of women. However, as social change occurs, traditional norms are under increasing assault, affecting the status of both men and women. Of prime importance is the way this has impacted the sexuality of women in Saudi Arabia, with the specific focus on the processes of religion and politics.

To clarify, when speaking about sexuality, it refers to how people experience and express themselves as being a male or a female. In this way, the sexuality of a person can be defined and modified across different social dimensions. In Saudi Arabia, religion and politics interact to establish the sexuality of women. The sexuality of women is further implied by the specific norms about one’s physical appearance, and the existence of sex segregation in the public and private spheres. Furthermore, sexuality can be modified when one deviates from these so-called norms and when social change occurs; however, sexuality can also be held constant when following a strict conservative gender ideology.

First, we must put forth an explanation of religion in Saudi Arabia. The primary religion is Islamic, based on the sacred scripture of the Quar’an. Islam is not only a religious ideology, but a whole comprehensive social system embracing a detailed direction for the entire way of life. From the beginning of the educational process, the material taught in school is primarily surrounding religious traditions. The public school system is seen as a training ground for a particular kind of parochial, conservative religious orientation that affects all students. It is only once an individual reaches University that they learn anything approximating comparative religion, and even then one-third of the student population is in religious studies. It is important to understand that there is nothing in Islam which directly supports inequality among sexes. Islam did not mean the oppression of women; it only says that they are different from males.  In order to understand the religious processes within Saudi Arabia it is necessary to recognize the overlap between religion and politics.

The political culture in Saudi Arabia is shaped by a pretence in which religious identity has become the officially-sanctioned expression of identity with the state.  The Monarchy legitimates itself in public discourse by its support for Islam, which is manifested by showing its willingness to enforce Islamic behaviour on individuals. In doing so, it is high likely that the Monarchy will lose its legitimacy if he were to move against Islam. The ways in which religion and politics interact demonstrate how Islam is less a system of theology, and more a system of law – divine law. Islamic law, called the Shari’a is based on the Quar’an and the Sunnah (the teachings of Prophet Muhammad). In the Islamic concept, law precedes and moulds society.  The law is a major influence in shaping the sexual world. It regulates, represses, and constitutes the boundaries of sexuality and desire. However, ambiguities and contradictions exist within key concepts of the religious and political systems, particularly issues surrounding the sexuality of women. Women have been hoisted on the flag of national culture, becoming the symbol for the values for which the Saudi regime claims to stand. Of central importance is the appearance of women, sex segregation, and what occurs when one deviates from the norm.

One of the ways that sexuality of women in Saudi Arabia is defined is based on their physical appearance. Although the veil is not mandated by Islam, the face of a woman in the public sphere is considered taboo, and is culturally-ingrained within the Saudi regime. As a result, women wear a total body cover – composed by the “abaya” which is a long black overgarment, the “hijab” which covers their head, and the veil which conceals their faces. The veil existed long before Islamic society; it was introduced into the Arab society during the Abbassid period as a method to distinguish between free honourable women, and slaves.

In modern day, millions of women still wear the veil. Its purpose is described as a dichotomy between the elements of chastity, purity, and decency which are to be maintained by social distance and protection of Saudi women from unrelated men; and a vital role in social control.

A woman, from head to toe, is considered to be an element of provocation for men. A woman holds the power of female sexuality, and this is a dangerous distraction for men. Thus, the veil serves to prevent “Fitnah”, which refers to the fascination and sexual attraction felt by a man at the sight of a pretty woman. In private spheres, if the face is not veiled, it should be free of makeup and other form of beautification, because an unveiled, beautified face is considered seductive to men.  It is argued that the veil is a means of defending the traditional, cultural and Islamic values against the intrusion of the West. The Western world, characterized by impersonalisation and the lack of morals among Western women, is a threat to the Islamic identity. Islam holds that female purity should be maintained. Sex for women is to be restricted to a husband, for the ultimate purpose of, not pleasure, but to produce offspring. Thus, the veil outside of the home is to ensure that the woman does not draw attention to herself, protecting against the opposite sex. The veil is part of the armour that shields a woman from male eyes.

In a broader sense, the veil is a social control tool. It acts as a safeguard, a means of security, and a defence mechanism for the preservation of family honour. The overgarment and veil worn by women is associated with the protection of the “Ird”, or rather the honour and reputation of a woman. The “Ird” is largely based on a woman’s honour of the family. There is a strong connection between the sexual purity of women and family honour. Thus, the veil is a control mechanism that serves to maintain interpersonal distance, which is essential to the “Ird”, circumstances where a woman might be exposed to provocative encounters with non-kin males.

It is expressed that even the way a man and woman look at each other could lead to adultery, obviously threatening the honour of the family. Thus, the veil serves to preserve Islamic values, which puts great importance on marital chastity. It is interesting to note that the conduct of male members, their violation of social norms regarding gambling and drinking, and indiscretion in their association with women, is less harmful to the honour of the family. The difference between males and females is symbolized by the black veil worn by women, and the white robes worn by the men.

A second way that sexuality of women in Saudi Arabia is defined is based on the existence of sex segregation. It is expressed that behaviours such as daily prayer, the idealistic principle of Islamic banking, preventing the importation of alcohol and illicit drugs, and abstinence from eating pork, have all been downplayed, while the sex-segregation of women has been maintained. In this way, the sexuality of women has been shaped and maintained. It is repeatedly ingrained in the social system of what it means to be a male and a female.

Sex segregation is best understood in the division between the public and the private spheres. Primarily, women have been relegated to the private domain of the household. As a result, the only roles available to them are those of a daughter, wife, mother, familial roles that are tired to their sexual life cycle and others which unfold in the home. Even within the walls of the private sphere there are divides based on gender: a unit reserved for the male to receive his guests, and a private villa for the woman. This is based on an acceptance of a system of social spheres in which men and women have specified roles to play -  the women’s role centering around marriage, the children and the home; the men’s role centering around business and public affairs. The patriarchal Islamic culture continues to impose standards by which the moral and structural positions of women are defined. Women’s independent participation in the public realm is seen as destructive to the family institution. As a result, the protection of the family and the maintenance of social order justify the subordination of women to patriarchal institutions.

However, as social change occurs, the allocation of genders to the public and private spheres becomes blurred. For example, the petrodollar crunch increased economic pressure for greater female participation in the public sphere, and the desire of women to find a place for themselves in the workforce has been fed by the expansion in women’s education.

When women enter into the public sphere, the Saudi regime is faced with the obstacle of balancing their participation within society’s Islamic gender margins. This is demonstrated in the issue of finding places for women in the work force without violating Saudi Arabia’s prohibition of unrelated men and women working together. As a result, women who do work in the public sphere are taking on traditional “female” occupations such as those in the healthcare sector and social work. However, there is a fear that women who produce income-producing skills will be a threat to the nature of the family and Islamic traditions. This is becoming a reality, based on the fact that 70 percent of Saudi Arabian women in the workforce do not physically live in an extended family situation, which has been the tradition for centuries.

In addition to the workforce, education in Saudi Arabia is the area in which women have experienced the greatest progress. The oil boom of the early 1970’s led to the widespread availability of female education. Prior to this, because of their biological and maternal function, girls were considered unsuited for any kind of formal education. Due to social pressures, surprisingly from men, who complained about the ignorance and lack of modern education of Saudi women, change would soon occur. Men were even refusing to marry Saudi women, and looked to other Arab countries for educated intellectually compatible women. In 1960 public education for women was introduced.

However, the education system treats male and females differently due to the gender-based expectations of society. The Saudi Arabian education system seek to direct boys and girls into different courses; with girls being directed into classes concentrating on home management, childcare, sewing, and cooking.  The educational policy of Saudi Arabia forbids coeducation between the genders, and implies that the natural differences between males and females should be taken into consideration when teaching courses.

It is argued that separate public domains, whose participants are allocated by gender, such as separate women’s malls, banks, industrial zones, and education institutions provide an increased amount of opportunities for women. On the other hand, they validate segregation as a social system when segregation itself is based on a model of inequality.

The notion of Islam being more than just a religion is more valid in Saudi Arabia than any other location. As a result, it is difficult for members of this society to deviate away from the norm. This is particularly evident with the fusion of gender to definitions of Islamic behaviour, which has created a self-perpetuating mechanism for the gender status-quo. Since the rhetoric of Islam is the only language in which public discourse can occur, it becomes extremely difficult to argue for reforms.

In proposing reforms that center around women’s sexuality and roles within society, it is necessary that first there is an acknowledgement that marriage and motherhood are the primary Islamic goals for women.

There have been explicit protests in the public sphere, and more implicit forms of resistance against the conservative gender ideology. An example is a book entitled “Girls of Riyadh” by Rajaa Alsanea – a young Saudi woman. The book tells the stories of four middle-class young women searching for love and fun in a suffocating culture. With references to the yearning for sex, drinking, and sitting in the driver`s seat of a car, it caused a scandal within the Saudi regime; death threats and opponents attempting to suppress her book. On the other hand, she gained support from girls who were reaching out – those who have been divorced, and those who have been forced into arranged marriages. Her brother warned that by publishing this book, men would not want to marry her. Alsanea does not care, and points to the fact that there must be a separation between relgion and tradition in Saudi Arabia, God did not say women could not drive cars or that divorced women should be treated badly by society.  The women in Saudi Arabia are the same as women everywhere.

Although in some instances social pressures result in change, this is not always the case. In Saudi Arabia, in order for a formal change to occur it must be accepted by the Council of Senior Ulema, which is composed of religious scholars who have a symbolic relationship with the government. The Ulema makes sure that the relationship between religion and the state is maintained. Because the Qur’an, the religious text of Islam, is not a static document, it is possible for the Ulema to re-define gender to accommodate a more public, economically productive role for women, if the state should wish to do so. Unfortunately, on the issues surrounding women, the Ulema have remained consistent over the entire development, and have become more conservative in some aspects. In this way, the sexuality and roles of women are maintained.

The Council of Senior Ulema follows a conservative ideology, which shapes the public opinion and the behavioural rules validated by them. They are able to set the agenda for what is considered to be against Islamic law, such as women alone in a car with a male driver, and ensuring that couples dining together are married. The Ulema also has the ability to reject recommendations such as the use of contraceptives, raising the minimum age of marriage, and the promotion of co-education.

It is evident that the sexuality of women in Saudi Arabia has progressed in a more liberal direction over time. However, an inclusion of women as citizens with equal rights has not addressed itself to the myths of sex differences, stereotypes, sex roles and models of behaviour. This is particularly evident in the veiling of women, sex segregation within the social realm, and the difficulty in being the individual who deviates from the norm. The Saudi regime still holds true to various aspects of the conservative gender ideology, molding the identity and sexuality of Saudi women.

Upon exploring the treatment of the sexes in Saudi Arabia, I would like to make it clear that I was not attempting to take on a feminist perspective. I was simply educating myself and others on the treatment of men and women, here and there.